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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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REV.JOHK H. WARNKK'S 



ORATION, 



l\ \.\ i. 186 







v 4' 



Sl\ 






OUR TIMES AND OUfi DUTV ; 



AN ORATION 



DELIVERED BY REQUEST OF THE 



GETTYSBURG ZOUAVES, 



BEFORE THE 



CITIZENS CIVIL AND MILITARY 



GETTYSBURG AND VICINITY, 



Spangler's Grove, July 4th, 1861. 

BY REV. J. R. WARNER. 9 



GETTYSBURG : 

PRINTED BY H. C. NEINSTEDT, CHAMBERSBURG ST. 
1861. 



v '/7^-) [Ciiliuimnioatca 

Mil. Kiutok : — I saw in your last issue, tliat 
you b*»e not been furnished with t lie addresses 
delivered here on the 4th inst., lor publication 
in your piper, for the reason that they were 
to be published in pamphlet form by the 
Zouave Corps i heard that the Corp«, at 
«br«- meeting, two weeks ago, had resolved lo 
publish the nddres-es, without a dissenting 
vdee, and that a Committee had been ap. 
■pointvi to solicit them for publication, and 
had obtained a promise of the addresses, for 
/hat purpose, and so reported to the Corps at 
it-, last meeting. But tlie loyal sentiments 
euihonnd in those addresses were not adap- 
ted to the taste and feeling of certain persons, 
■♦hi. at heart, exult over, the late disaster to 
i ur army, ami they at once went to work to 
suppress their publication j and through the 
instrumentality sVf their "tot Is*' in the corps, 
and by false representations, they bail the 
resolution to publish reconsidered, and voted 
•tf.-.w.i. 

C hi it be that the /.ouave Corps, who were 
<<V recipients of marked favor from the 
l.iJies \<t this place, on (he 4th inst , and 
-which compliment in itself, bore testimony of 
t •! unsuspected 'ovnlly of 'he entire company, 
■h k in fact, mii h s% cession element in it? — 
Can. it be ilat that hiautiful emblem of our 
country. wlii» h their Capiain so hiindsoinelv 

Tee«i'e.| unlhcir behalf Was Ullfiirled to t'e 

I'M'/.i! over brains rank and foul with treason, 
and heart* beating in unison with ;he Cata- 
Tines of wit Government ? I contributed to 
tli-. purch-fc of that Hag which called forth 
Iwo >f 'no if piir'p'tel orations, and is it rij/ht 
1'ial ili'i.M- colon* be p rmilted to bo borne by 
a ••• Mipiinv r.'firescntiie,' such dislovally as is 
emitodied in the pmes-'diugs which resulted 
in the suppression of those addresses? It is 
an unpardonable disgrace lo the Corps, and 
call* hn-'h j.ist and loud indignation from the 
Ladies through whose instrumentality this 

B@uMr. Josi:rn Bkoadiikad, of the Zouavo 
corps, wishes ns to slate, that the reason ho 
voted against the publication of Die 4lh of 
July addresses was, r.ot from any want of 
sympathy with 1 1 » < ■ sentiments of tin* orations, 
\ with which be fully agrees, but, because it had 
' In "p. aliened that considerable expense would 
1 fall on the corps, and that, whilst he himself 

' was, willii g, in connection wit M anrtwoothcra 

t to give live dollars, he knew that some of the 

members wire absolutely unable to contribute 

j any .sum whatever. lie also desires us to say, 

that '•( "Our Fhii/'' will draw on him for iho 

amount of his subscription he will honor tho 



fhig o' our country was so ably and patrioti 
c»lly presented. It is only another evidence 
of the benrt j ni*d«ojf tact that we have a few — 
tjyonk (i (1 omIt a e-w traitcrs to our Govern- 
ment in our imi 1st. I lie Compromise party 
of'i'nwa* composed sif resident lories, and, 
««•■ very lew who.mrw advocate compromise 
. »**• no other tlian domestic traitors, devoid of 
love of country or law abiding propensities and 
opposed to the execution ol those laws enac- 
ted tor our stability, perpetuity, and welfare, 
:Sin h nun in substance, propose to sacrifice 
tlw Constitution, laws, and the whole strength, 
dignity and character of ibe Government ^ and 
lietray us and if. wholesale, into the bands of 
its enemies. It in time liwt a signal ex- 
..Tvpiple be made of those that entertain and 
openly avow such treasonable sentiments and 
'(foster iliid cherish this damuab'i* heresy. — 
liett«'r far Sitr as and them that they retire to 
a more congenvall clime, where sue? seed ' t 
they arc endeavoring to sow here, may more 
readily take roo*, and spring up to rich bar 
vest ot rebellion awl tyranny, such as prevails 
-among their friends oft«« Southern States. i 

They offer the poisoned cup of compromise 
co the lips of the unsuspecting and it is J 
tempting to a few, but certain death to all who ' 
taste. As well may we talk ot the Angel in 
Heaven compromising with the Prince of 
darkness- as our Government compromising 
■with rebels and its enemies. Compromising 
right with wrong, loyalty wltb rebellion and 
treason. It would be an end ot Government 
and result in anarchy, despotism and ruin. — 
lie is an arch traitor to his country who 
would advocate compromise with those in arms 
against it, and should receive a traitors dooia. 
So friends' of our country can advocate peace 
ou any Other terms thaw submission to the 
laws and a i o<*i*.plete surrender of thecouspi" 
,ratong now in armed rebellion against the 
Government. ) „ ■' ' - . OUR FLAG- 



u mm^ 



dialt. It is proper for us to say, that "Our 
Fluif does not car j for the money .he has 
expended, tint, that he is grieved, at being 
compelled to believe, that the ting which he 
lnves is given into the protection of sotr.o, 
! though it be but a few, who smypaihize with 
j the rebellion which seeks lo dishonor this, the 
1 emblem of our nationality, and that he believ- 
ed that our friend Mr. J. IJ. f whose devotion 
lo bis country no one ever doubted, had bo« n 
| mislead by those who held sinister and un- 
worthy motives. Now we have the reason of 
one vole, let us have the reason of the rest, if 
"(Jtrr Flag" is wrong in his imputations. 



Gettysburg, July 20, 18GL 

Rev, J. R, Warner : 

Dear Sir, — We have heard with profound regret that a few pei 
sons in our midst, whose sympathies are undoubtedly with the Southern 
traitors and rebels, denounce your Oration delivered at the request of 
"The Gettysburg Zouaves" on the 4th inst., as partisan in its tone and 
sentiment, and "inappropriate." In order to afford the loyal citizens of 
our town and country an opportunity of reading your Address, and of 
judging for themselves, that the charges brought against it are unwar- 
ranted, and only such as traitors to the Constitution and laws of our 
Country would make, we respectfully request a copy for publication. 
Hoping you will accede to our request, we remain, 

Yours, truly. 



R. G. Harper, 

A. M. Hunter, 

A. D. Buehler, 

D. M'Couaughy, 

Jno. F. M'Creary, 

EL J, Fahnestock, 

,1. P. Paxton, 

J. C. Guiun, 

R. A. Lyttle, 

H. G. Finney, 

A. H. Groh, 

T. Duncan Renfrew, 

H. W. Roth, 

D. M. Kemerer, 
W. V. Gotwald, 
Frank Richards, 
M. Weidman, 

E. L. Rowe, 
R. B. Hitz, 
Leopold Benze, 
Philip Doerr, 
Samuel Stouffer, 
D. Sourry Jones, 
Henry C. Grossman, 
■lacob F. Wicklein, 
('. Galen Tieichlcr, 
S. F. Stadelman, 



J. R. Reiser, 
R. Horner, 
Jas. J. Wills, 
John Hoke, 
Legh R. Baugher, 
David Wills, 
Chas. Horner, 
D. A. Buehler, 
Geo. Arnold, 
Chas. C. Hummel, 
J. L. Smith, 
M. C. Horine, 
Theod. L. Seip, 
H. J. Watkins, 
Wilson Leiser, 
T. C. Pritchard, 
Michael Culver, 
John J. Cressman, 
M. G. Boyer, 

B. Harrie James, 

C. M. George, 

J. B. Riemensnyder, 
E. W. Meisenhelder, 
Leonard Groh, 
Alfred Yeiser, 
Jac. EL Wieting 
Jno. C. I. 



the place of weakness ; wealth and splendor, the place of want 
and poverty ; the wilderness has become a fruitful field, and 
the handful of com cast upon the mountains by patriot 
hands, has grown and spread until the fruit thereof shakes 
like Lebanon. But very far does this fall short of constitu- 
ting the reason of that change of feeling, which this day 
pervades us : we find the reason upon looking at the darkest 
shade of the darkest picture, which until now American his- 
tory has ever presented. Treason has usurped the place of 
loyalty, and while she calls her hosts to her standard, with 
unhallowed tread they press the very graves of Marion, of 
Moultrie, and of Sumpter. The heritage bought by blood, 
and hallowed by prayers, though now the grandest and might- 
iest on the face of the earth, trembles from "turret to foun- 
dation-stone," as by the unworthy scions of a noble stock, 
the principles on which it was founded are being tried to 
their utmost. 

No wonder then, that now we read the title-deed of our 
liberties with new life and in a new light. We hear it this day 
in the spirit of the times which called it into existence. The 
long slumbering spirit of '76 has been quickened again to 
life, and now not three millions only, but nearly ten times 
three millions breathe it. Well and nobly did Jefferson earn a 
deathless name, when in that document, with but a few pen- 
strokes, he wrote those principles, on which the best govern- 
ment which ever shed the invaluable blessings of freedom 
upon a portion of the race, has been founded. "Life, liber- 
ty and the pursuit of happiness, the inalienable rights of 
man." And in that morally sublime pledge given by that 
host of worthies to each other, to the world and to posterity, 
when for the establishment of those principles they pledged 
all they had to pledge — their lives, their fortunes and their 
sacred honor — we to-day feel — there was no uncertain sound. 
We know now the meaning of both principles and pledge, 
as we had thought we should never know them — we know 
them experimentally — as we see rebellion whet her dag- 
md lift her parricidal arm against the ^ovprnment, in 



which all our earthly hopes for ourselves and for posterity 
are centered. We have seen the world startled by the ques- 
tion new and strange, — "Can the American Republic be a 
failure in governmental experiment?' 

It is an august question, and the weighty responsibilities 
of a corresponding answer rest with us. The shades of the 
signers of that Declaration all seem to rise up and demand 
it. A listening anxious world waits in suspense to hear it, 
while in every true American bosom there dwells the con- 
sciousness, that God and posterity will demand an account 
of the manner in which the answer shall be given. It is 
given. Hear it rolling up from Charleston Harbor, echo- 
ing from Bunker, breaking the long silence of the Allegha- 
nies, reverberating from the clefts in which the far western 
hunter finds a home, and how, caught up in peals majestic 
by the Mississippi and the Hudson, is answered by the Ohio 
and the St. Lawrence ! — A voice, which in majesty outswells 
the roar of the greatest of earth's cataracts — the united voice 
of more than twenty millions pledging each to the other, to 
the world, and to unborn generations, for the perpetuity 
of the blessings which they have inherited, — their lives, their 
fortunes and their sacred honor. 

We are told, Sirs, that the muse of history is passion- 
less ; — like a vestal must she be, if without a flashing 
eye, a burning brow, and a throbbing heart, she pens 
the record of eighteen hundred and sixty-one in Ameri- 
ca. Never before has she been called to depict a scene 
such as this, on which her pencil must now be employed, 
the stirring record even of our emancipation from Brit- 
ish thraldom, failing to afford a parallel. While she 
speaks of the strongest nation on earth divided against it- 
self, she must also depict the mighty arm of strength 
which this same nation has raised in its own defence. An 
army, called without the warning of a day ; yet in a day 
answering the call. Answering from field and forum, from 
bar and workshop, from the classic grove and from the busy 
mart of commerce, from the palace of princely ease, and 



8 

from the home of humble toil, bench, — yea and pulpit re- 
sponding, all distinctions forgotten, all party lines wiped out, 
all creeds commanding to one service, all inspired by one 
impulse, and that among the loftiest impulses which give 
dignity to human action, or color to human feeling, — the 
warm and mighty impulse of genuine patriotism. 

Patriotism is a word in use so common that our ideas of it 
had become very vague. They are so no longer. By a 
view of the grand army of America we are by the splendid 
spectacle taught the meaning of the word Patriotism. We 
see it in the full splendors of its moral magnificence, as the 
eye surveys yon mighty column, — its left resting upon the 
Atlantic's shore, its right extending to the very frontiers of 
western civilization. In the circumstances of its formation, 
in the moral strength of its character, in the greatness of its 
numbers, and in the glorious object of its mission. — When 
before has war put on such a front ! when since the Titans 
stormed Olympus has the muse of history waved her magic 
wand over such an army, and in such a cause ? Borne aloft 
on the wing of imagination, amid the host with pride, we 
descry our own Buehler and MTherson, with their gallant 
patriotic bands. Turning away from the army itself, we can- 
not but exclaim : All hail, and farewell, ye brave ! As the 
God of battles went with the Fathers, may he now go with 
the Sons ! Waiving an adieu to the martial host, we turn to 
consider next, 

The Cause which has marshaled it. 

The cause is stated in one word — necessity. Choice under 
the circumstances, there was none. A rebellion, the most 
causeless which ever lifted a horrid front against a good gov- 
ernment and a generous brotherhood, has risen up and loud- 
ly threatens to lay the noble fabric of self-government in 
America low in the dust. We must either submit to the exe- 
cution of the threat, or by force of arms resist its execu- 
tion. No other alternative now is left us than to meet all 
the evils and horrors of civil war, which we know full well 
is no chimera, or submit to the infinitely worse evil of sink- 



9 

ing under a rule to which Austrian despotism or Bourbon 
sway were greatly preferable. 

The question, to decide which the arbitrament of battle 
has been sought, is — shall we have a Government, or no 
government — law and order, or anarchy and confusion? 

I need not attempt to prove that the very life of society 
in any, or all its forms, civil, ecclesiestical or social, depends 
upon the unyielding obedience of its members, to all its just 
and righteous laws. Wherever on the wings of thought you 
are carried throughout the Lord's great domain, you find, 
that "Order is Heaven's first law." Without it the material 
Universe becomes a ruin. The moment its harmony is bro- 
ken, that moment all its luminaries are extinguished — its 
elements that moment run to chaos. Equally steadfast are the 
moral laws of the Divine Government. No Lucifer lifts the 
arm of rebellion against a Holy God with impunity. Neith- 
er does man infringe the Divine plan without the endurance 
of penalty proportioned to his crime. What is the whole 
Gospel-plan of Salvation but the gracious vindication of the 
Lord's violated law ? Must the Divine Government be thus 
maintained, by the most unflinching adherence to law, and 
can human government exist without it ? Let one State or 
family or individual in the Union trample with impunity on 
its laws ; and where is the security of any other State, fami- 
ly, or individual throughout its length and breadth ? To 
subvert the order under which we have attained our present 
powerful, splendid and happy condition as a nation, is at 
once the design and the sin of the Southern rebellion. They 
would overthrow the Government under which, both they and 
we enjoy the most unestimable privileges, and in its place es- 
tablish — we know not what. The duty, therefore, of every 
American citizen, we regard as at once plain and sacred — to 
maintain the integrity of the Union, and uphold its Consti- 
tution to the utmost limit of his power, let them be assailed 
in whatever form 3r under whatever color Rebellion may 
present herself. 

The principle of secession deals its heavy blows against 



Ill 

the very strongest pillars which support the nation. Admit 
it. and all law and order are at once at an end. Acknowl- 
edge the right of South Carolina to secede to-day, and you 
yield the right of Virginia, Pennsylvania or New York to 
secede to-morrow, and on the principle on which Pennsyl- 
vania can withdraw from the Union, Adams County can 
withdraw from her. 

Estahlish then this assumed right, and what is left us ? A 
government not worth the purchase of an hour, liable to be 
overthrown at any moment which the interest or caprice of 
any of its members may dictate. The sovereignty of one 
State separate — superior to that of all the States united, we 
cannot but regard as one of the most absurd doctrines which 
intelligent men have ever been called upon to discuss, and 
as treasonable as it is absurd. To attempt to prove that the 
Constitution of this Union embodies such a principle is to 
cast a reflection upon the common sense of its framers, if 
not to charge them with affecting to weave a bond of union 
among the States in appearance stronger than death, but in 
reality weaker than tow. When that ardent patriot and 
mighty statesman Webster lifted his majestic voice against 
the doctrine thirty years ago, he said, "The whole matter it 
is hoped will blow over, and men will return to a sound mode 
of thinking ; but of one thing be ye assured : the first step 
in the programme of secession, which shall be an infringe- 
ment of constitutional law, shall be promptly met ; I would 
not remain an hour in any administration that would not 
meet such attempts effectually and at once." Thus spoke 
Webster, who though dead still speaketh. He saw clearly 
that which we now see, that when we can no longer look to 
the Constitution of these States as a bond of union among 
the States, each adhering to it with the firmest allegiance, at 
once a channel of blessing and a shield of protection, then 
must Ichabod be written upon the keystone of the Federal 
arch ; then must that form of government founded by a noble 
host, the dust of many of whom now sleeps beneath the un- 
hallowed tread of treason, be pronounced an unsuccessful ex- 



]] 

periment — living only in the history of other days — the dusl 
of its once noble fabric, having become the sport of even 
wanton breeze. Then in its stead must come the reign o 
liberty without law, that rule which leaves the weak at the 
mercy of the strong, making might the sole arbiter of right 
When we pronounce this a form of tyranny which of all 
forms is the most to be dreaded, we only appeal for our 
proof to the terror-stricken, scattered families, the desolate t 
homes, and the crushed, bleeding hearts of tens of thousands 
of Union-loving men not two hundred miles away. 

To rescue the nation from overthrow, and to turn away 
the fearful tide of evil which must inevitably follow ; evil 
which no pencil can depict, ineffable by human language and 
illimitable in extent, the government has resorted to a duty 
as painful as it is imperative — the duty of taking up the 
weapons of self-preservation and self-defence. 

It is almost enough to provoke a smile of ridicule to hear 
men say, "the Government has waged a cruel war upon our 
Southern brethren." That the war is indeed cruel and un- 
natural we all know, yea with sadness we know it ; but the 
charge which throws its responsibility upon the government 
is too absurdly false to justify the waste of a moment in its 
refutation. Who knows not the history of the last winter- 
months ? Who has forgotten how insult quickly followed 
upon the heels of insult ? Who needs now be told that with 
a forbearance wanting its parallel in history — a forbearance 
which the world had begun to pronounce the evidence of 
weakness, the nation looked calmly on, while even the weap- 
ons threatening her very existence, were being forged ; and 
before ever she uttered a word or lifted an arm in her own 
defence, was smitten in the very face ? Whose fort is yon 
.with as blackened walls, and its battered, broken turrets — 
all within now silent as the grave ? What flag is yon, which 
for many days drooped mournfully over a handful of starving 
braves, now all torn, and in the very dust dishonored ? 

Is it the flag which through seven long weary years our 
Washington followed through darkness and di 



12 

through cold and heat, through fire and through water ; who 
to defend which counted no dangers appalling ? Answer 
ye ! And when ye answer, tell us, is this a war on behalf 
of that cause which to the great heart of that same Wash- 
ington was dearer than his life — yea, for which he would 
have sacrificed his very existence, even though a thousand 
lives perished in his own — tell us — is it a war of aggres- 
sion, or a war of defence? 

Aggression, Sirs, has no place even in the thought of any 
man who to-day rallies beneath yon flag. Life, Country, 
Privilege, Hope and Duty are words which either separately 
or combined explain our action. Our Southern brethren we 
have never learned to hate, though with a perfect hatred they 
now seem to hate both us and our institutions. In that dead- 
ly hatred exhibited by recent action, they have sealed — com- 
pletely sealed — literally with the cold stamp of death, and fig- 
uratively by the hand of rebellion, the lips of many a man 
who in the face of obloquy, and under charge of conserva- 
tism too extreme, often plead in their behalf. The deed is 
done ! they have waged a war upon us ! we would be to them 
as brothers — we cannot be under them as slaves : so with 
sword in hand we meet them. 

We trust our cause to God, and our characters to the fu- 
ture, well assured, that whatever differences of opinion there 
may be now, when the storm of passion subsides and reason 
again resumes her mild, yet potent sway, there will be but 
one opinion. If it be not pronounced in our day, posterity 
will pronounce it. Wjth a glow of honest pride, generations 
to come will read the record of their fathers — a record 
which will tell that we counted no treasure too valuable to 
give ; no duty too hard to perform ; no sacrifice too severe 
to be endured ; and no blood too precious to be shed, for the 
maintenance and defence of the best government which since 

the days of the Jewish Theocracy has afforded blessing to 
man, and been the means of glorifying God. 

Since then the object of the gosernment is neither the 

destruction noj the subjugation of any portion, but the sal- 



13 

vation of the whole, we are led in all candor to ask, on what 
can men found the plea so often heard, the plea for "Com- 
promise ?" If by compromise they mean the offering 
of terms to Rebellion, we would not enter the lists with 
them even for a moment. Then do we understand their 
word as only another word for Secession, which is itself but 
another word for Treason. What patriot can ask the Gov- 
ernment to yield to terms with those unworthy sons, to 
whom she has imparted all the strength they have, without 
whose lostering care they had never been able to lift an arm 
or strike a blow, yet now hold the dagger at the very bosom 
whence their power has been derived ? When thus we hear 
the word "Compromise" used, we think only of the weak- 
ness without the boldness of rebellion. 

We have often heard men, however, whose loyalty none 
would dispute, deprecating the awful evils of civil war, ask 
that same question so often found upon the lips of treason : 
"Can there be no compromise ?" With them, if there yet 
remain any such, this is a grave question — and graver still 
the responsibilities of the answer. Time was, when per- 
haps an honorable compromise of differences was possible. 
Sadly, yet plainly must all now see, that that time ha3 
passed. Remonstrance has done her utmost ; Argument is 
now powerless ; Entreaty, with all her touching art has 
been spurned, and now what compromise is that which would 
satisfy the malcontents? Did they ground their quarrel 
upon oppression, the burden could be removed. Were there 
any even alleged infringements of constitutional right, then 
could the government and a loyal brotherhood hear their 
complaints and right their wrongs. As no wrongs are al- 
leged, no concessions can be made. As they tell no tale of 
grievance, they can receive no sweets of consolation. Their 
cry is not of the lash, but for the sceptre ; not because they 
are trodden down, but because they must have the reins. 
Your offers then of compromise, could they even be heard, 
would be spumed. The rebellion asks no compromise, it 
demands recognition among 'hp powers M the rarth You 



may cry Peace, peace ! It wants no peace other than the 
peace won by conquest. 

Perhaps the plea for compromise means just to "let them 
alone." Christian feeling may indeed suggest this, without 
looking at the consequences which to Christianity it involves. 
Just let them do as they please ! Let them indeed for the 
establishment of their government, which involves the over- 
throw of ours, appeal to the very worst passions of the hu- 
man heart ! Why, Brethren, hear the proclamations of their 
leaders. See them inaugurate piracy and perjury ; hear 
them attempt to sanctify robbery and. repudiation, and can 
you as Christians, can you as patriots, can you as Ameri- 
cans, offer them either a parley, a truce, or as ye choose to 
call it — a compromise ? No, Brethren, No ! With bloody 
hands they have stifled even the voice of Palliation. If our 
cause be just, it must be maintained ; if it be just and right- 
eous, the same God who was with us in former troubles will 
be with us now, and He will maintain it. With us be the 
performance of duty, with Him be the issue. When taught 
by sad experience, the evils of revolt — causeless and ini- 
quitous — our erring brethren lay down their weapons, and 
at the feet of the Government which they have so grossly 
wronged, lift up their hands and ask for mercy, then in the 
exercise of that feeling given by the religion of our blessed 
Jesus, we will join you in the plea for compromise ; even 
though their hands be all red with the innocent blood of 
our kinsmen, blood as noble and as generous as ever flowed, 
we will plead that the government will show itself as merci- 
ful as it now shows itself brave and powerful. Then and not 
till then will we plead for compromise, but none other com- 
promise than the compromise of Treason's awful penalty. 

We live, my friends, in times of fearful trial as well as times 
of immense responsibility. No trifling duties arc imposed 
upon the men of this generation. Let us see to it, that we 
perform them like men, like Americans, and like Christians. 
Yes, [say, like Christians, Let us never forgel thai ii 



15 

the bestowment of our heritage the interference of oui God 
bordered on the province of a miracle. lie still livea. He 
lives to defend us if we seek him, to forsake us if we reject 
him. Let us then imitate the example and emulate the spirit 
of those fathers, to whose tears, prayers, privations and 
blood, we owe, under God, all that we are and all that we 
hope to be. Our country now is in as yet the darkest days 
of its trial. Let us work for it, in whatever form of work 
duty sends forth her commands. As the servants of Him, 
whose name is above every name, let us support it with all 
the influence conferred upon us, and let us never cease to pray 
for it, until we shall cease to pray. Every thing this day 
reminds us of our duty, not only the present and the future, 
but also the memories of the past. The shades of Lee, and 
Rutledge, and Hancock, and Adams, and Jefferson, and all 
that host whose names form the brightest constellation in our 
national firmament, all seem to pass before us in solemn re- 
view to-day, while each asks as he passes, "Will ye be true 
to your trust?" I think I speak the words of truth and so- 
berness, when I say, our answer is the answer of more than 
twenty millions of freemen, who with a loud, grand, deep 
and mighty voice, heard even amid the higher circles of yon 
far, far-off spheres, this day cry : "Return to your rest, ye 
shades of the mighty ! and thou, Great Chieftain, whose re- 
quiem yon beautiful Potomac ceaselessly sings — sleep thou 
on ! the smoke of battle covers our heritage, the tocsin of 
treason peals throughout it ; yet as the God of Battles — 
the ally of the Fathers is the ally of the Sons, as you left 
it — s© we have it — and as we have it, so we will transmit it 
— unbroken, undivided, unimpaired!" Putting our trust in 
the King of kings we feel ourselves empowered to proclaim 
to the nations of the earth, on this, the natal anniversary of 
our Independence, that as now they see Liberty seated on 
the dome of yonder Capitol — Jehovah of Hosts assisting us — 
they shall ever see her — thirty-four stars shining in her coro 
net— thirty-four United States still circling round her feet. 
The watch word which lingered on the dying lips of the 



16 

Fathers of the Republic, the Sons caught up, and with the 
heart's best and holiest emotions this day sound forth. And 
long, long after we shall have passed before the throne of 
the Ancient of days, from Ocean to Ocean, from Northern 
heights to Southern plains, and back from even the shade 
of the Palmetto to the pine-clad hills of Maine, ever new, 
ever fresh, ever grandly inspiriting, will arise the glorious 
cry of America, "Liberty and Union, now and forever 

— ONE AND INSEPARABLE !" 



N. B. I cannot but entertain the hope, that the spirit which has 
rendered the publication of the oration a necessity, has been misunder- 
stood ; and if not, that time will bring its possessors under the sway of 
wiser and better counsels. 

J. R. W. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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011 933 3Qfi o™ 



933 396 9 

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011933 396 9 # 



pemittlife* 



